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![]() Email: info@searcs-web.com Searc's Web Guide to 18th Century Ireland - Charles Lucas (1713-1771) Charles Lucas was born in County Clare and educated in Dublin where he became a surgeon and published many pamphlets advancing civil rights, including: Divelina Libera: An Apology for the Civil Rights and Liberties of the Commons and Citizens of Dublin (1743). In 1747 Lucas published The Citizen's Journal which exposed the corruption then prevalent in Dublin City Corporation and he was imprisoned for 'stirring up the people to sedition and insurrection' and was declared 'an enemy to his country'. In 1749 Lucas published a Charter and Dedication addressed to the King in which he denied that the Irish owed allegiance to the English Crown. This was quickly followed by A letter to the Free Citizens of Dublin, after which Lucas was denounced in Parliament, arrested and tried for Treason. At his trial the Charter was stated as having been a 'gross insult to his majesty', even though the King was never permitted to see the actual Charter. However Lucas was acquitted and subsequently elected to Parliament for Dublin. He held Office for one term during which time he continued to lobby for Parliamentary independence for Ireland. In 1751 Lucas published Political Constitutions of Great Britain and Ireland. This extract is from Lucas' A Letter to the Free Citizens of Dublin (1749).© |
Charles Lucas (1713-1771) |
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Another of the many and innumerable artifices used to make me hateful in your sight is the
branding me with opprobrious Party appellations.
The emissaries of the board, occasionally tell the Presbyterians, and other Protestant
Dissenters, that I am a Tory, or a Jacobite, and an high-Church Man, if not a Papist in
mine heart; to these, they represent me, as a red-hot Whig, a very Low-church Man, if not
a Presbyterian, and that I could roast or broil Papists. Thus men who know no Principle in Morality, Religion, or Policy, have no Medium, or Moderation, and judge of all others by the variable Standard of their own inconstant and insincere Hearts. By the Fruit, every Tree is known. Judge of my Morality, Religion, and Politics, by my Life and Actions, not by mine or other Men's words. As to my Morals, though I have Passions, or Affections, as strong as most men, my life and conversation, I hope, are such as neither can give offence or scandal to mine innocent neighbour. As for my religion, I am, to the best of my knowledge, a Christian. Not because my parents were such, or because I was educated in that faith; but from the conviction of mine own senses: For, I pin my faith on no man's sleeve. I am therefore, neither of Paul or of Cephas. I worship the God of Truth, not so much in ostentatious, human inventions, or superficial forms, as in the spirit. I submit to the forms of the Church because they are established by human law which is ever to be observed and obeyed in all things that are not contradictory to the Divine law. I know no tenet, necessary to salvation, in which I differ from the Presbyterians. And am of the opinion, that ecclesiastical Government is the only essential difference between them and the established Church; which makes me judge it wicked to sow discord between them and us. I confess if I had my religion to choose, and were not better informed, when I lately saw the creatures of the faction running through the streets, proffering every one with the old, exploded wicked notion, The Church is in Danger; when they said, 'That it was the Presbyterian Party, that was raising the spirit of Liberty, and endeavouring to give it's friends and asserters all due encouragement, by just marks of respect and distinction'. I should, like Montezuma, the pagan American Prince, rather be of any religion, than that of slaves or tyrants. And, I am persuaded, that if the laic and clerical creatures of the faction go on with their blind fury and bigotry, they will drive every free man from the pale of that church, whose true and generic characteristic, as laid down by it's Devine founder; is perfect liberty, universal benevolence and charity, extensive as his love. As for the Papists, or Romanists, I pity, not condemn their religious errors. Had they only differed from us in religious matters, or modes of worship; as was the case within these few centuries, before some of the Bishops of Rome claimed a temporal Power in these realms, and taught their votaries to blend religious Tenets and political Principles together, which are found dangerous to the present Establishment; I should know no difference between the Civil Rights of a Papist and a Protestant. But, when I see the extreme change a few centuries has universally wrought in the minds of these people; when I consider them, in the reigns of John, Henry the Third, Richard the Second and other tyrannical kings of England, making the most glorious stand for their civil and religious liberties, and obtaining, in Magna Charta, greater and more effectual security, for their liberty and property, than any people on earth can boast; and observe them in some short time after, submitting everything, that man should hold dear, to the despotic sway of a foreign Bishop, I look upon them, with extreme pity and astonishment. However, I would by reason and good example reform, not by any means, persecute or annoy them. They shall ever, for me, worship their god, as their consciences direct; and shall feel no compulsion, or coercive means, by my consent, more than other subjects; except as far as it may prove necessary, to oblige them, for common peace and safety, to pay due allegiance to the established Civil Constitution, which is founded on a Christian Precept, submitting themselves to the ordinances of man, in temporal Government, I sincerely wish they might be brought to this way of thinking, and I am persuaded, no good Protestant would with, or suffer them to lie under any painful restrictions, in matters, merely religious. My notion of policy are of a piece with those, in respect to religion. I would have every part of civil society, from the head to the lowest, or meanest member of the common wealth, all the officers and servants of the State, whether civil, ecclesiastical, or military, observe and execute the law, in their respective spheres, and fulfil the duty of their several functions, without clashing, or interfering the one with the other. And I would have all the subjects, whether Papist, or Protestant, Jew, or Gentile, have the full protection and benefit of the law and the fullest scope of liberty; that is, power to dispose of his person and his property, in whatsoever manner he should choose, as far, as it was consistent with the end of his creation, his duty to God and to society, and agreeable to just laws made for the general good of society. © Searc's Web Guide 1997-2008 |
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