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![]() Email: info@searcs-web.com Searc's Web Guide to 20th Century Ireland - James Larkin (1876-1947) James Larkin was born in Liverpool and reared by his grandparents in Newry, County Down. At the age of nine he rejoined his parents in Liverpool. He became a docker soon aftewrwards, eventually a foreman but was fired when he joined a dockers' strike. Larkin then became a National Union of Dockers organiser in Liverpool. In 1908 Larkin moved to Dublin where he founded the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union in 1909. The following year he was imprisoned for three months for 'stealing' Cork workers' monies when he established a dockers' union in that City. In 1911 he founded and edited a weekly newspaper The Irish Worker & People's Advocate. By 1913 so many Dublin workers had joined the IT&GWU that employers refused to employ unionised workers, resulting in the infamous Dublin Lock-Out when over 100,000 workers were sacked, and many more refused admittance to their workplace for over eight months. After the Lock-Out the IT&GWU was firmly established. In 1914 Larkin went to America and organised workers in New York until 1920 when he was sentenced to ten years imprisonment for 'criminal syndicalism'. Larkin was released in 1923 and returned to Ireland to establish The Workers' Union which he considered more socialist than existing Irish trade unions. In 1927 Larkin was elected to Dublin City Council and Dáil Éireann. He held his parliamentary seat for three terms before his death in 1947. This extract is Larkin's editorial in The Irish Worker of May 3rd, 1913.© |
The Arrest of Jim Larkin, 1913 © Searc's Web Guide |
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Fellow workers I am compelled to address you on the present deplorable condition in which
you are placed by the want of solidarity in your ranks - thousands of you unemployed, and
those employed working under the worst possible conditions due to no other reason but want
of unity in your ranks. I write as one who is recognised or designated a leader in the
labour movement, but who prefers to be known as one of the rank and file. Any special knowledge I possess of the conditions appertaining to the working class, and more especially your section of the working class was acquired not by reading or associating with workers but out of the hard brutal facts of life; and my pilgrimage as a wage slave through every phase and in many climes, I have had like you, to submit to the degradation of seeking an employer who, when forced, compelled me by force of economic circumstances to slave under degrading conditions, during long hours for a miserable pittance. First the denial of my right as a human being to the free access of life due to the private control of land and capital by the employing class compelled me to hunger; to satisfy that hunger I needs must work: Denied work, except under conditions laid down by the class who dominate, the workers had perforce to bargain with the employer to be allowed to work that they might so assuage the pangs of hunger, for it has been well and truly said by Carlyle, 'If a man works not he must steal, howsoever he might call that 'stealing'. Therefore being born into the class that needs must work, I was compelled to think, and my study of life made plain to me one ugly fact - that he or she who works is considered as of a lower order of humanity than the thief who will not work, no matter by what name he or she may call that stealing. I saw at a very early age that those who did not work or would not work, belonging to the class who had power of the lives of other human beings, was well housed, well clothed, well fed, well educated and well provided for in every way, that the best that life could give was at their pleasure, and that on the other hand those who were willing to work, belonging to the class from which I took my being, either had to work and provide for the aforementioned idle, useless class or die of starvation. I asked myself why it was that this idle, useless class, few in numbers, could dominate and exploit the great majority. I found an answer to my own question, I found the main reason for this dominating class's position was their oneness, their belief in their right to enjoy privilege and exercise monopoly. Their class solidarity was the base of their successful, satisfying position. I studied the position in all its varied phases, and having satisfied myself that this dominating class possess no inherent right to the position they usurp, that this useless class possessed no attributes which gave them a claim to the position they hold, and determined to do one man's part to dethrone them. I was not afraid of their power or ability. I had proved to my own satisfaction the hollowness of their pretension as a superior class, and falseness of their claim. I saw these people demanding service of their fellows, and refusing to render service and I therefore determined to appeal to the class of which I was a unit. That appeal has met with varying success, not because of its force nor because of the forces arrayed indirect opposition to it, for I have proved - at least to my own personal satisfaction - that the so-called superior class are not equal to their pretensions and have at all times failed to prove their superiority when faced by a conscious, intelligent, well-ordered section of the working class; and it is also manifest to me that the exploiting class will only continue to hold their present position just as long as our class permit them to so continue. The most tragic feature of the struggle is the unconscious betrayal of the working class by certain sections of that class, and the statement brings me to the main point in this address to the Dublin section of the labouring class. During the past seven years by untiring effort a certain amount of ground has been gained throughout the country but especially in the city, by activity of the union to which I am connected. On many occasions greater advances and more fruitful results might have been accomplished but for the fact that we were cursed with the greatest drawback to the successful accomplishment of our designs by the action of two other bodies operating in the same field of industrial activity. Time and again in negotiations after victory we have been met with an argument which was irresistible. Oh! But here is the rules of another union recognised by the Dublin Trades Council, who are prepared to work for 4½d per hour. How can you claim 6d per hour? We have had the spectacle of members of these unions offering to work below the demand made; or still worse when we have had certain traitors and backsliders penned up these other unions have given shelter to these wasters, and taken them into their fold, and the black and dirty sheep have been given a dip. Now there is a unique opportunity for a decided advance. © Searc's Web Guide 1997-2008 |
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