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                                               Searc's Web Guide to 19th Century Ireland - James Fintan Lalor (1807-1849)

James Fintan Lalor was born in Tonakill, County Laois. Lalor was educated at Carlow Law College and became a chemist's apprentice in Portlaoise. He joined the Repeal Association but was expelled for siding with the militant Young Ireland faction.
In 1846 Lalor helped found the Irish Confederation and attempted to form a Tenant Rights Association in his native Laois. He wrote extensively for The Nation and The Irish Tribune in which he proclaimed 'the land of Ireland for the people of Ireland'.
When John Mitchel was arrested in 1848 Lalor helped John Martin found the Irish Felon before partaking in the June, 1848 Rising at Clonakilty near Thurles, County Tipperary after which Lalor was arrested, tried on a charge of Treason-Felony and imprisoned in Nenagh Gaol. Lalor was released in August, 1848 due to his increasing ill-health and on September 16th, 1849 he, together with Thomas Clarke Luby and John O'Leary, lead a Rising in Counties Tipperary and Waterford during which Lalor lead the attack on Cappoquin RIC Barracks. Lalor was arrested and died of bronchitis in a Dublin prison on December 27th, 1849. His funeral was attended by over 25,000 people. This extract is from Lalor's article published in The Irish Tribune, July 1st, 1848.©
James Fintan Lalor
James Fintan Lalor (1807-1849)

Man was created free, and is at the same time a social being; that is, in order to enjoy the advantages which society can give, each individual tacitly agrees to relinquish as much of his freedom as may be found incompatible with the existance of society. All men are abstractedly equal, and should be so in law, but are not so in fact, for we find a wide difference between men, as well physically as morally and intellectually. Our actual happiness depends entirely upon the results of labour; and as this labour is affected by our physical, moral and intellectual powers its amount must vary with the individual, and consequently the happiness which he can enjoy will depend on himself if the basis of society is just.
Every man is entitled to an equal share of the land, and of all other things which are the free gifts of Nature. These are the raw materials, from which, by his labour, he is to obtain the necessaries of life; but this right he possesses only during his lifetime - he cannot will them to another, nor exert any influence on their disposal after his death. Every member of the community is entitled to an equal share of the property of those who die; but as such a division could with difficulty be made, society allows each individual to inherit the property of his father or other kinsman in lieu of the share to which he would be entitled of the general property.
The labour of man produces, in most instances, more than he actually requires to support life: this surplus, which he possesses in the form of tools, buildings, etc, is called capital, or wealth, and in a flourishing state of society continually increases; it is its possession which constitutes the real difference between the savage and civilized man. As one individual may be morally, physically or intellectually superior to another, he will naturally, by the use of his labour, obtain more products - that is, more capital, or wealth - than the other: and as the arrangements of society allow the children to inherit the capital of the father, it must necessarily happen that great inequalities must exist in every society in relation to wealth; in fact that there must be rich and poor.
This arrangement of society is just and could not be otherwise. Although some may be born poor, and therefore inheriting no accumulated labour or capital, they cannot, therefore, justly demand that a new distribution of wealth should take place - that the property of the rich should be given to them. But, on the other hand, society cannot demand of them to become machines, to work to an extent unheard of among savages, and yet deny them that comfort, and that share in progress which ought to be the sole end of civilisation.
The poor man is entitled to live; in the fullest sense of the word he is entitled to share in all the accumulated advantages of civilisation, not only as regard his physical happiness, but also his moral and intellectual cultivation. Why should he alone have no future, except that of suffering?
Why should anyone dare to debar him of the enjoyment of domestic ties, those greatest incentives to virtue?
The ancient civilisation of Greece permitted the same inequalities of rich and poor as our modern civilisation does; but with the Greeks the intellectual and moral man was the highest object of study. They laboured and accumulated capital; but the rich among them instead of employing the whole of that accumulated capital in debasing the men who made it, by subjecting them more and more, or in ministering to their own animal senses, sacrificed their merely personal comfort to the public enjoyment of the nation. Hence was produced those masterpieces of art which we can only admire, but not imitate. The poor Athenian citizen was not taught that his sole business on earth was to labour incessantly, and that enjoyment was only for the rich; no, he felt that it was his right, his business to discuss in the public places the affairs of his country, to enjoy the pleasure of the theatre, to hear the great truths enunciated by the philosophers, to attend the games, and that it was his duty, as it is in all free States, to defend his country as a soldier.
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