SEARC'S WEB GUIDE - Michael Joseph Barry (1817-1889)

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Searc's Web Guide to 19th Century Ireland - Michael Joseph Barry (1817-1889)

Michael Joseph Barry was born in Cork. He entered a essay competition on the subject of Repeal of the Act of Union organised by the Loyal National Repeal Association and judged by Thomas Davis and William Smith O'Brien in 1845. Barry's essay 'Ireland as She was, as She is, and as She shall be' was printed in Essays on the Repeal of the Union (1845). In the same year Barry published The Songs of Ireland. He was active in the Young Ireland movement until its suppression in 1848 when he was briefly imprisoned. Barry later became a Dublin magistrate as well as a prolific poet. This extract is from Barry's 1845 essay 'Ireland as She was, as She is, and as She shall be' which he dedicated to 'The People of Ireland'.©

In considering the Repeal Question, as it is familiarly termed, three distinct topics present themselves for our examination: first the practicability of procuring a Repeal of the Act of Union, secondly, the advantages or losses to Ireland which would follow from its Repeal; thirdly, the form of constitution which would ensure to her the greatest portion of those advantages, and protect her from the greatest share of those losses...
In my opinion the Repeal of the Act of Union is a perfectly practicable measure, and its practicability fully capable of proof. Those who deny the practicability of Repeal, state as the grounds of their belief, that England will never voluntarily agree to it, and that Ireland cannot compel her to do so. The former of these positions I will at present pass over, and will at once turn to the consideration of the second and more important assertion, that Ireland cannot compel England to grant a Repeal of the Union.
The truth or falsehood of this assertion must be honestly and carefully investigated, for on it, I conceive, the whole question of Repeal - as regards its practicability - depends. I am satisfied that Ireland must right herself or remain unrighted. The people, whose liberty depends on their being able to reconcile the attainment of it to the selfish views taken by another people of their own interests, have little chance of growing into an nation. Perhaps they are hardly fitted for the dignity.
England opposes the Repeal of the Union because she believes it would prove mischievous to her. She believes, however that, separation would be still more mischievous. Whenever she finds herself under the necessity of choosing between Separation and Repeal, she will assent to the latter. Repeal must not be carried by the exercise of physical force. That could only terminate in Separation or Re-conquest. But, though the exercise of physical force cannot achieve Repeal, the possession of it may. Whenever Ireland possesses such an amount of it as, if exercised, would effect a separation from England, its presence will secure Repeal. Repeal is not more difficult than Separation...
I will proceed to show that if Ireland considered complete Separation necessary, she could enforce it. It will be said that this is a dangerous topic to discuss. I think it is far more dangerous to shun the discussion of it. War, especially civil war, is an evil which it is the duty of every good man to avert.
The best mode by which he can do so, is by showing its necessary consequences to the parties that would engage in it.
England and Ireland are thus circumstanced. Ireland, smarting from misgovernment and insult, and burning for independence, believes that the result of a conflict between them would be certain restoration of her nationality. England flushed with conquest, arrogant from acknowledged sway, and proved of her wealth and territory, thinks the struggle could have no other issue, than the chastisement of a turbulent and aspiring province. The state of feeling in the two countries is fraught with mischief. From it all real danger springs. Let each retain this confidence in her own power, and the result ere long, must, of necessity, be open warfare between them. On the other hand, prove to either country that her view is erroneous: Convince England, that the struggle must, in all probability, end in the dismemberment of her empire: Or Ireland, that it must terminate in her subjugation, and you secure their mutual peace. No country will march to defeat with her eyes open.
I need hardly say that I mean to discuss, not rights, but resources. I would spurn the idea of discussing Ireland's right to anything which is essential to her prosperity and freedom. These blessings are the right of every people, a right which is inalienable. Let us proceed, then, to consider what means Ireland possesses of effecting a Separation from England; in other words, what is the amount of her military strength? It is no very easy matter to form a correct estimate of this. Many of the elements which constitute the military strength of Ireland, are less preceptable to the soldier's than the statesman's eye.
She, however, possesses a large share of what both must acknowledge to be formidable; and what neither, if wise, would be very willing to encounter. The first great element of a Nation's strength is, of course, population. In this Ireland certainly is not deficient. According to the Census of 1841 she has 8,173,966 inhabitants. Of these there are engaged in agriculture 5,406,743 or over 66% of the whole. The habits of life of these latter combined to render them the greatest race of men in the world for military purposes... On the whole I think it may be safely stated that Ireland possesses, at the minimus, an effective military population of one million six hundred thousand men... Another important matter for consideration in estimating a Nation's strength, is its topography; the field which it presents for military operations...
The banks of earth which form the common boundaries to the fields throughout the chief part of Munster, are of a thickness to be proof against musketry, and often against ordinary field artillery and would see the movement of regular cavalry at defiance. The close hedges of Leinster would prove equally impracticable to the latter force, and a very active light infantry only, could be at all effective in contesting them. If Ireland were deficient in artillery, the possession of it to an adverse army could be rendered nearly useless, by the breaking up of the roads, as the close and fenced-in nature of the country would render it impossible to transport guns across it, (as might be done over the wide, even plains of the continent) when the ordinary routes were rendered impassable. This would, no doubt, produce much inconvenience to the inhabitants of the country; but when a Nation thinks a matter worth fighting for, she must think it worth suffering inconveniences for too. © Searc's Web Guide 1997-2008